Mughal emperors, but the company’s
shareholders and employees similarly enriched themselves by depicting Indians as distinctly different and exploitable. The gradual development of larger national identities blocked Napoleon from using
similar tactics in Italy, and the collapse of his brief empire marked the
end of viable imperial rule in Europe. While empire appeared reborn
in Africa and Asia during the “new imperialism” of the late nineteenth
century, the equally short-lived and often brutal British imperial state
in Kenya exploded the notion that empires could ever be liberal or
humanitarian. Adolf Hitler’s brief but vicious tenure as the imperial
ruler of France affi rmed this reality by pushing the inherent logic of
empire building to its brutal and inevitable limit.
Of course, these examples are neither defi nitive nor exhaustive.
There is no shortage of empires to choose from—the Byzantine, Chinese, Persian, Ottoman, Portuguese, Russian, Japanese, and Soviet
empires also would have furnished examples—but collectively these
particular examples chart the evolution and demise of empires. They
are linked, with each empire drawing on the ideologies and practices
of its predecessors. The Romans conquered the ancestors of the British, the Umayyad Arabs occupied Spain, the Spanish seized the Andes
from the Inkas, the British built an empire in Mughal India, the
French turned the Italian descendants of the Romans into subjects,
modern Britons added Kenya to their empire, and the Nazis ruled
France as an imperial power.
Beginning with Rome is essential because imperial enthusiasts
portray it as the model for future empires. In fact, we know very
little about what life was like for common people under Roman rule.
Ancient Britons lived at the edges of the empire, but most were typical “subjects,” meaning slaves, tenants, and peasant farmers. Their
rulers relied on assimilated, “romanized” local elites to actually govern. Commoners in Britain and indeed the rest of the provinces were
6 THE RULE OF EMPIRES
too divided by local customs and habits to band together to resist this
domination. Roman rule was therefore exploitive but long-lived in
Britain precisely because its reliance on assimilated local allies made
it seem less crushing.
Most modern histories of empire rarely mention medieval Muslim Spain (Al-Andalus), and the Umayyad Arabs never actually
claimed to be imperial rulers. Nevertheless, Al-Andalus shared many
of the same characteristics as Rome. Initially a remote and resistive
province of the larger Umayyad Caliphate, Iberia became an autonomous emirate under a refugee Umayyad prince. At fi rst glance, the
imperial state he founded, which lasted from the eighth to twelfth
centuries, appeared to match Rome in its stability and limitations.
Like the Romans, the Umayyads shared power with assimilated local
notables, but the Muslim empire builders’ religious obligation to convert conquered populations undermined their status as a ruling elite.
Even more than in the ancient era, the necessity of recruiting local
allies allowed large numbers of urban Iberians to escape subjecthood
by converting to Islam, thereby gradually changing the character of
the imperial state itself. By the high point of Spanish Umayyad rule
in the tenth century, intermarriage and conversion had thoroughly
blurred the distinction between Arab and Iberian ruling elites. Rural
and common people, however, probably did not convert to Islam in
large numbers. Their overlords may have shifted from Christianity to
Islam and then back again during the Reconquista, but the oppressive
realities of imperial rule led most Iberians to seek protection within
their local communities.
In the fi fteenth century, empires gained a greater capacity to place
more systematic and sustainable demands on their subjects. However,
these early modern states still bore little resemblance to the empires