rhetoric to give their imperial projects a humanitarian veneer,
Hitler was an unapologetic social Darwinist who conquered, plundered, and murdered in the name of the German Volk . This was the
logical endpoint of the legitimizing pseudoscientifi c racial ideologies
of the new imperialism. Furthermore, the French experience of Nazi
imperial domination demonstrated that any defeated people, no matter how “advanced,” could be transformed into subjects. Just as some
Kenyans worked with the British to further personal and communal interests, a surprisingly large number of Frenchmen supported
Marshal Philippe Pétain’s attempt to reach an accord with the Nazi
occupiers. In contrast to ancient Rome, Hitler’s imperial project failed
because it was too effi cient. The Nazis’ nakedly exploitive rule turned
all of Europe against them.
Taken as a whole, these historical examples show that no one
became an imperial subject voluntarily. Empires were viable only
when conquerors could recruit local allies, and the common people overlooked by conventional accounts of empire had the capacity to render imperial institutions unworkable. This remains true
today. Stable imperial rule is an impossibility in an era when self determination has become a basic human right and transnational
fl ows of wealth, people, ideas, and weapons mean that no community is truly isolated.
Yet many still look for lessons and models in empires and imperial methods. In part, this is because of the fuzziness in defi nitions
of citizen and subject , or citizenship and the slightly awkward if
Introduction 9
unavoidable subjecthood . There is also a popular tendency to label
any form of dictatorial rule imperial . Defi nitions matter; hazy meanings facilitate misunderstandings, both honest and intentional.
In its purest and most basic form, empire entails the formal, direct,
and authoritarian rule of one group of people over another. It is
born of the attempt to leverage military advantage for profi t. Global
dominance, economic coercion, and the unbridled use of hard power
may be unjust, but they are not necessarily imperial actions. Some
empires did engage in such behavior, but the now common practice
of using empire as a metaphor for any unequal power relationship
has blurred its meaning. Autocratic institutions may have imperial
qualities, but the equation of slavery with empire or the characterization of the modern European Union as an “empire by invitation” is
misleading.10
The word empire itself comes from the Latin imperare , “to command.” An imperium was the territory where an imperator (general)
could and did command. In time, Roman kings, republican consuls,
military tribunes, and dictators all came to hold and exercise this
power. By the fi rst century a.d., the imperium Romanum meant the
vast territory ruled by Rome.11 When the western self-described heirs
of Rome traveled to Asia in the early modern era, they called khans,
sultans, shoguns, and other potentates “emperors,” and versions of
the term gradually entered into common usage in most of the world’s
major languages.
The Romans actually had no expression that corresponded to
the modern meaning of imperialism , and the word came into common usage only in the mid-nineteenth century. Initially it was a
pejorative expression that British commentators coined to accuse
Napoleon III of despotism. During the Cold War, communist propagandists used imperialism to describe a new kind of exploitation
linked to the global spread of capitalism.12 These doctrinal implications of the word mean that it is better to speak of the process of
conquering and ruling as empire building rather than imperialism.
Imperial methods is an even more imprecise term, but in this book
the phrase means an attempt to use hard power to reorder and transform a conquered society.
The terms colonization and colonialism create further confusion
because they are often used
Corey Andrew, Kathleen Madigan, Jimmy Valentine, Kevin Duncan, Joe Anders, Dave Kirk