The More Deceived Read Free Page A

attack the government? ‘
    ‘We’re not absolutely certain it is coming from the Foreign Office or perhaps not
only
from the Foreign Office. You will be shown the complete list of those government officials who are authorized to receive secret information relating to our rearmament programme. These documents are circulated to twenty or twenty-five ministers and top officials and presumably they show them to their senior people though they are not supposed to.’
    ‘I see. So, if I understand you, one or more of these people is passing secrets concerning our rearmament – facts and figures – to Mr Churchill so he can embarrass the government?’
    ‘That’s correct.’
    ‘But what would be that person’s motive? Money?’
    ‘Probably not. We do not believe that Mr Churchill has ever given any reward for information. I think it is more likely to be from a misguided idea that alarming the British public in this way is patriotic. Of course, nothing Mr Churchill can say or do can alter the situation. As I said to you, we are increasing our armed forces very rapidly – as rapidly as our financial position allows.’
    ‘And is Mr Churchill actuated by a patriotic desire to prepare Britain for the coming conflict or merely to promote himself?’
    ‘Ah, well! There’s the question. Personally, I think he is a genuine patriot but he does enjoy irritating his former colleagues. He had hoped to be taken back into government and he may be trying to make such a nuisance of himself that the PM prefers to have him on board rather than rocking the boat from outside. But that’s by the by. Whatever his motives, the situation cannot be allowed to continue.’
    ‘I have always admired his energy and determination but after Gallipoli . . .’
    ‘Quite! Though, it has to be said, that fiasco was not entirely Mr Churchill’s fault.’
    ‘But he bears the responsibility,’ Edward persisted.
    ‘He does,’ Sir Robert agreed, getting up from his chair. ‘And he did the honourable thing and resigned. Joined his regiment and fought at the front. I admire him for that. As for Gallipoli, he was impatient . . . too impatient. The war in France was bogged down in trench warfare. He was prepared to risk anything to find a short cut to victory. He was a young man with the world’s mightiest fleet at his disposal. He was a personal friend of Mr Asquith and could count on the unstinting support the British people always give their navy. He threw all these gifts away in sheer headstrong recklessness. He lost himself trying a short cut in unfamiliar territory and lost others with him. You know, Lord Edward, there is a broad gulf between the man of talent and the man of genius. One may perhaps feel that at the present time, when the empire is going through a most terrible economic crisis and faces the appalling prospect of another war, Mr Churchill’s recklessness may once again imperil us. His facile phrases and unbalanced enthusiams are the last thing we need.’
    Vansittart’s bitterness surprised Edward. He must be seriously worried to give vent to his feelings so unrestrainedly. Vansittart, perhaps sensing he had spoken too freely, ceased his pacing and sat down again opposite Edward.
    ‘Anyway, it is intolerable that top secret documents should be seen by unauthorized people, whatever their motive,’ he ended lamely.
    ‘I see. So you want me to go and see Mr Churchill and ask him who is giving him this information? I cannot believe I would be successful.’
    ‘You are a neutral figure – if I may put it that way, Lord Edward. I agree Mr Churchill is unlikely to reveal his sources of information but you can at least warn him that we are aware of what is happening and when we do find our weak link . . . but there is another way of tackling the problem. When you receive the full list of those who have legitimate access to the figures Mr Churchill quotes so authoritatively, you can interview each of them. There may be fewer than a