Making War to Keep Peace Read Free Page B

allies had followed suit, tilting toward Iraq during the Iran-Iraq war.
    But neither the conciliatory policy of the Western nations, nor the offer of new credits using enhanced trade relations and economic incentives, induced better behavior from Iraq. Instead, Saddam grew bolder and more threatening. On April 2, 1990, he publicly confirmed that Iraq possessed chemical weapons, which he had already used against Iran and against Iraqi dissidents. He also threatened that, if attacked, “We will make the fire eat up half of Israel.” 5 Still, U.S. policy toward Iraq continued to emphasize American flexibility.
    Saddam decided on an easier target than Israel. By mid-July 1990, evidence had begun to accumulate of his hostile intentions toward Saudi Arabia, as well as a buildup of Iraqi troops and weapons along the border with Kuwait. He began by emphasizing grievances and demands: Kuwait must stop stealing Iraqi oil from the Ramali oil field and must repay the $2.4 billion it had “stolen.” The good intentions and official assurances that the United States desired “to improve relations with Iraq,” 6 issued by U.S. ambassador April Glaspie and echoed by other western powers, failed to deter Saddam, however, and the Gulf states were reluctant to make defensive moves. Only the United Arab Emirates (UAE) asked the United States for a demonstration of support and cooperated in a joint exercise with U.S. naval forces.
    Kuwait—small, vulnerable, and essentially defenseless—was an easy mark. On August 2, 1990, after the appeals of other governments had failed, Iraqi troops swept into Kuwait on the flimsy pretext of restoring the historic borders of greater Iraq. Kuwait immediately called on the United States and other friendly nations for help, invoking the self-defense provision of Article 51 of the United Nations Charter:
    Nothing in the present Charter shall impair the inherent right of individual or collective self-defence if an armed attack occurs against a Member of the United Nations, until the Security Council has taken measures necessary to maintain international peace and security. 7
    That same day, by a 10 to 0 vote, the UN Security Council passed Resolution 660, condemning Iraq’s aggression and calling for an immediate, unconditional withdrawal of Iraqi troops. The resolution contained strong language but made no threat of force to counter force. This attack on a nonaggressive Arab brother added to a growing list of indications that the Iraqis intended to move soon on Saudi Arabia. On August 5, Bush said flatly, “This will not stand, this aggression against Kuwait.” 8 The next day, the Security Council passed Resolution 661 by a vote of 13 to 0, reaffirming the right of individual or collective self-defense in response to the armed attack by Iraq against Kuwait. Acting under Chapter VII of the UN Charter (the chapter under which forceful measures are authorized), the Security Council imposed mandatory economic sanctions on Iraq,including a trade and financial embargo on all but medical and humanitarian goods and payments. 9 Cuba and Yemen abstained, but the lopsided majority, including all five permanent members, testified to the unusual degree of unity in the Security Council.
    On August 8, Bush announced the deployment of U.S. troops to Saudi Arabia in Operation Desert Shield to deter an attack on that country and block Iraq’s advance while the embargo took its toll. In his memoir, Bush’s secretary of state, James Baker, described his concern about the “formidable political realities” of the crisis. Baker said he reminded Bush, “[T]his has all the ingredients that brought down three of the last five presidents: a hostage crisis, body bags, and a full-fledged economic recession caused by forty-dollar oil.” 10 Bush knew the risks but was determined to take whatever action was necessary.
    Baker describes the Bush team’s strategy: “We