like China, Romania, and France never stopped cultivating hemp. And as I and others have pointed out, even U.S. industrial cannabis prohibition got off to a poor start soon after the federal drug war got rolling with the passage of the Marihuana Tax Act of 1937.
What happened was, in 1942, the U.S. Navy tried to place an order for the (far and away) best rope, on which it and Americaâs war effort were dependentâthey needed as much as twenty tons of rigging per vessel. For some reason there was none in the supply room. Seems Japan had captured the new Filipino sourceânotice that the drug war had already shifted American business offshore.
So the United States Department of Agriculture (USDA) quickly shot and released a passionately pro-hemp documentary, a classic of short-form propaganda vérité. The film begs farmers to plant as much hemp as possible, yesterday. Itâs called Hemp for Victory . Check it out on YouTube.
An analysis of the reasons behind todayâs unfolding sea change in U.S. public opinion about drug policy is a book in itself, but suffice to say that this is a people-driven hemp economic boom weâre about to experience (actually weâre already experiencing it, but Canadaâs making most of the dough). And itâs about time.
Not only do we Americans buy that half billion dollars of Canadian hemp products every year, but the number is growing 20 percent annually. Weâre just not allowed to grow it here. âThis kind of trade imbalance is why the American colonies fought for independence from Britain,â Colorado rancher and putative hemp farmer Michael Bowman told me just as he was about to violate federal law and throw a few seeds on the ground on July 4, 2013. The date not being accidentally chosen.
The Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA), whose two-and-a-half-billion-dollar budget you and I pay, enforces the Controlled Substances Act. Cannabis is the largest target of the drug war, by far. The agencyâs deciders are putting its budget ahead of the clear interests of the nation, fighting tooth and nail to defend the outrageous hemp ban.
I should note here that, after three years of reporting from the drug warâs front lines, I believe the good men and women of the DEA and other law enforcement agencies are doing their best. I applaud efforts to stem the flow of dangerous drugs like cocaine and black-market prescription pills. Whatâs coming through here in the hemp discussion is my citizen frustration with a government agency that, for the good of the country, needs to make an immediate 180-degree shift on hemp. As weâll see, the agency can become part of the industryâs regulatory process. Thatâs how Canada does it.
Instead, as usual, the DEAâs lobbyists brought all the now conventional lies to the 2013 congressional hemp legalization discussionâ People canât tell the difference between hemp and psychoactive cannabis ; People might smoke their drapes âonly this time it didnât work. When Representative Jared Polis (D-Colorado), along with his bipartisan friends Thomas Massie (R-Kentucky) and Earl Blumenauer (D-Oregon), brought forth their FARRM Bill amendment on July 11, 2013, it passed by a vote of 216â208, with 69 Republicans voting yea.
On the Senate side, there was also some delicious Beltway cloakroom strong-arming surrounding the garnering of Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Kentucky)âs support for hemp, best reported by Ryan Grim in the Huffington Post . Allegedly, McConnellâs pro-hemp Bluegrass State colleague, Rand Paul, promised not to back a McConnell Tea Party primary opponent if the senior senator threw his support behind industrial cannabis.
Long story short, according to Eric Steenstra, president of the Vote Hemp advocacy group, after thirteen years of hemp lobbying, heâs suddenly noticed that âhemp hasnât been controversialâ in recent
Amelie Hunt, Maeve Morrick