and trade concessions from the U. S., for which
the president had cajoled and arm-twisted a reluctant Congress, China
had all but committed to signing a bilateral human-rights agreement that
would open its prisons and criminal courts to U.N. and U.S. inspectors,
bring its criminal and civil courts closer to Western and international
principles, and release longtime political prisoners. Such a treaty had
been a high-priority goal for American presidents since Dick Nixon. Sam
Castilla wanted nothing to stop it. In fact, it was a longstanding dream
of his, too, for personal as well as human-rights reasons. “It’s also a
damned dangerous situation. We can’t allow this ship … what was it,
The Dowager Empress?” Klein nodded. “We can’t allow The Dowager Empress
to sail into Basra with weapons-making chemicals. That’s the bottom
line. Period.” Castilla stood and paced. “If your intelligence turns out
to be good, and we go after this Dowager Empress, how are the Chinese
going to react?” He shook his head and waved away his own words. “No,
that’s not the question, is it? We know how they’ll react. They’ll shake
their swords, denounce, and posture.
The question is what will they actually do?” He looked at Klein.
“Especially if we’re wrong again?”
“No one can know or predict that, Mr. President. On the other hand, no
nation can maintain massive armies and nuclear weapons without using
them somewhere, sometime, if for no other reason than to justify the
costs.”
“I disagree. If a country’s economy is good, and its people are happy, a
leader can maintain an army without using it.”
“Of course, if China wants to use the incident as an excuse that they’re
being threatened, they might invade Taiwan,” Fred Klein continued.
“They’ve wanted to do that for decades.”
“If they feel we won’t retaliate, yes. There’s Central Asia, too, now
that Russia is less of a regional threat.” The Covert-One chief said the
words neither wanted to think: “With their long-range nuclear weapons,
we’re as much a target as any country.” Castilla shook off a shudder.
Klein removed his glasses and massaged his temples. They were silent. At
last, the president sighed. He had made a decision. “All right, I’ll
have Admiral Brose order the navy to follow and monitor The Dowager
Empress. We’ll label it routine at-sea surveillance with no revelation
of the actual situation to anyone but Brose.”
“The Chinese will find out we’re shadowing their ship.”
“We’ll stall. The problem is, I don’t know how long we’ll be able to get
away with it.” The president went to the door and stopped. When he
turned, his face was long and somber, his jowls pronounced. “I need
proof, Fred. I need it now. Get me that manifest.”
“You’ll have it, Sam.” His big shoulders hunched with worry, President
Castilla nodded, opened the door, and walked away. One of the secret
service agents closed it. Alone again, Klein frowned, contemplating his
next step. As he heard the engine of the president’s car hum to life, he
made a decision. He swiveled to the small table behind his chair, on
which two phones sat. One was red–a single, direct, scrambled line to
the president. The other was blue. It was also scrambled. He picked up
the blue phone and dialed.
Wednesday, September 13.
Kaohsiung, Taiwan.
After a medium-rare hamburger and a bottle of Taiwanese lager at Smokey
Joe’s on Chunghsiao-1 Road, Jon Smith decided to take a taxi to
Kaohsiung Harbor. He still had an hour before his afternoon meetings
resumed at the Grand Hi-Lai Hotel, when his old friend, Mike Kerns from
the Pasteur Institute in Paris, would meet him there. Smith had been in
Kaohsiung–Taiwan’s second-largest city–nearly a week, but today was
the first chance he’d had to explore. That kind of intensity was what
usually happened at scientific conferences, at least in his