American and South Korean troops, joined now by contingents from Turkey, England, France, and the Netherlands, liberated the capital, penetrated the North, took Pyongyang, and made their way up toward the Amnok River. Known to both the Chinese and Americans as the Yalu, the river marked the northwest border between Korea and the Peopleâs Republic of China.
Mao Tse-tung responded by throwing several hundred thousand volunteers into battle. The UN troops suffered heavy losses and were forced to beat a hasty retreat. The seesaw battle again had changed course: Pyongyang was abandoned, UN troops fell below the thirty-eighth parallel, and Seoul was abandoned. After five months of fierce battle, the front stabilized. The scale then gradually began tipping in the other direction: Seoul was recaptured for the second time and the battle line pushed a bit farther north.
On July 27, 1953, three years and one million deaths after Kim Il-sungâs surprise attack and shortly on the heels of Stalinâs death, an armistice was signed in the village of Panmunjom.
The United Nations prevented a takeover, but failed to reunify the country.
One day I met a North Korean soldier who had recently defected to the South and was still recovering from the shock. He asked me, almost pleading, to clear something up for him.
âWho won the Korean War?â he wanted to know. âHere they claim the opposite of what I was told in the North!â
What could I tell him?
Tie game would have been a fair answer, given that the two armies ended up more or less where they started. That would have
seemed too flip, however, and the question had been posed in earnest. Should I have said that both sides lost? Thatâs certainly true if one considers the untold misery caused by the war and the hundreds of thousands who died. Yet such a reply would have ignored the subsequent development of South Korea, which only was made possible by pushing back the Communist forces.
Until it began a process of democratization in 1987, South Korea was effectively run as an authoritarianâand sometimes dictatorialâregime. Since 1960, it nevertheless has presided over an unprecedented economic boom. Thirty years of unflagging effort has lifted South Koreaâs economy from Bangladeshi levels to parity with Spain. The packed-earth roads of Seoul, where little girls once sold their hair, have seen the skyline fill with skyscrapers and the streets jam with cars, most painted metallic silver, and almost all equipped with hi-fi stereos and air-conditioning made in Korea . In very little time, South Korea has grown into the worldâs seventh industrial power.
During this period, forty kilometers to the north, an ideological and military hedgehog was being formed, sometimes with the patronage of Maoâs China, sometimes with that of Brezhnevâs USSR, but always under the absolute control of one man: Kim Il-sung. His bloody purges in the 1980s cleared the way for the succession of his son, Kim Jong-il, and helped establish the worldâs first Communist dynasty.
Political and economic relations between North Korea and the âcapitalistâ South remained embryonic, while occasional quasimilitary strikes continued to smolder and flare: in 1968, commandos raided the Blue House (the presidential palace in Seoul); in 1981, a delegation of South Korean government officials came under attack while visiting the Burmese capital of Rangoon; in 1987, a (South)
Korean Airlines jet exploded in midair; in 1994, there were submarine intrusions and further commando raids; in 1999, it was a sea battle, and so forth.
In North Korea, a country of 22 million, the police survey every aspect of the citizenryâs life. No travel without authorization. No news thatâs not vetted first. A single, mandated ideology, exalting self-sufficiencyâeven when calling for international aid. Extensive prisons and camps scattered throughout the country. Its