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Grumstrup-Scott, eds., Body Composition and Physical Performance: Applications for the Military Service (Washington, D.C.: National Academy Press, 1992), 39. Also, Howard Markel and Janet Golden, “Successes and Missed Opportunities in Protecting Our Children’s Health: Critical Junctures in the History of Children’s Health Policy in the United States,” Pediatrics 115, no. 4 (April 2005); 1129–33. By most estimates, in addition, about one-quarter of all draftees were illiterate.
    45. E. V. McCollum and Nina Simmonds, Food, Nutrition, and Health (Baltimore: the Authors, 1925), 30.
    46. Gillett, “How Can Our Work in Foods Be Made More Vital?” 386.
    47. For a discussion of modernization and attitudes toward health, see Lynne Curry, “Modernizing the Rural Mother: Gender, Class, and Health Reform in Illinois, 1910–1930,” in Apple and Golden, eds., Mothers and Motherhood.
    48. On food as a cultural, social, and psychological structure, see Maurice Aymard, “Toward the History of Nutrition: Some Methodological Remarks,” Roland Barthes, “Toward a Psychosociology of Contemporary Food Consumption,” and Jean Soler, “The Semiotics of Food in the Bible,” all in Forster and Ranum, eds., Food and Drink in History. Also, Mary Douglas, “Deciphering a Meal,” in Counihan and Van Esterik, Food and Culture; and Sidney Mintz, Tasting Food, Tasting Freedom: Excursions into Eating, Culture, and the Past (Boston: Beacon Press, 1996).
    49. Mink, Wages of Motherhood, 89. The achievements and limits of maternalism are discussed in a number of works. See, e.g., Muncy, Creating a Female Dominion; Michel, “The Limits of Maternalism”; Gordon, ed., Women the State, and Welfare; Fitzpatrick, Endless Crusade; Ladd-Taylor, Mother-Work; and Kathryn Kish Sklar, Florence Kelley and the Nation’s Work (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1995).
    50. George Sanchez, “Go after the Women: Americanization and the Mexican Immigrant Woman, 1915–1929,” Working Paper Series No. 6, June 1984, Stanford Center for Chicano Research, 17 and 1. Sanchez argues that, initially, Americanization represented social settlement and social gospel traditions, “These individuals felt that society had an obligation to assimilate the Mexican immigrant and hoped to improve societal treatment of immigrants in general.” But with World War I, nativism took over and business took an interest in the Americanization movement as a method of combating radicalism among foreigners (p. 9). Settlement workers valued immigrant “gifts” to American culture while Americanizers did not. These efforts were also common in Europe. See Ross, Love and Toil; and Walton, Fish and Chips.
    51. Levenstein, Revolution at the Table, 104.
    52. Michael M. Davis, Jr., Immigrant Health and the Community (Montclair, N.J.: Patterson Smith, 1971), 71. Burnett, “The Rise and Decline of School Meals,” discusses food imperialism in the Socialist Labor party.
    53. Dorothy Dickins, “Negro Food Habits in the Yazoo Mississippi Delta,” JHE, September 1926, p. 524.
    54. Mary Swartz Rose and Gertrude Gates Mudge, “A Nutrition Class,” JHE, February 1920, p. 49. During the first three decades of the twentieth century, social investigators undertook scores of surveys of immigrant and workingclass households. These studies were often used to judge how close various groups came to achieving an “American standard of living.” Trade unions used household budget studies to argue for a “living wage,” while employers used similar studies to argue that workers’ living standards were adequate and that they should learn to spend their money more wisely. See Susan Levine, “A Bit of Mellifluous Phraseology: The 1922 Railroad Shopcraft Strike and the Living Wage,” in John Belchem and Neville Kirk, eds., Languages of Labour (Aldershot: Ashgate Publishing,