Lincoln in the World Read Free Page B

Britain in general (and even Palmerston, at other times) necessarily wanted “a breakup of the Union for realpolitik reasons, to destroy a rival in the hemisphere” (Crook,
The North, the South, and the Powers
, p. 374). Howard Jones points out that Palmerston “could not see how England could derive the same commercial profits from a divided North and South as from a unified nation” (Jones,
Union in Peril
, p. 85). On Bagehot see
Economist
, Mar. 2, 1861, quoted in Crook,
Diplomacy During the American Civil War
, p. 32 (expected North to win);
Economist
, Jan. 19, 1861, quoted in Jones,
Blue and Gray Diplomacy
, p. 32 (“less irritable”). The final quote is from LaFeber,
The American Age
, p. 150 (“a single … mistake”).
    13 . Mencken, H. L.
Prejudices: Third Series
, pp. 172–73; Brooks, Noah, “The Final Estimate of Lincoln,” in
New York Times
, Feb. 12, 1898, quoted inPeterson,
Lincoln in American Mem
ory, p. 97. See also Peterson, p. 196.
    14 . Hughes is quoted in Peterson, p. 197. On the “great age of European realpolitik,” see Herring, p. 229. “Aristocratic, antirevolutionary, and self-interested, whether economic or imperial, these two powerful European figures [Napoleon III and Palmerston] sought to restore the halcyon days when iron rule assured international order,” notes Howard Jones (Jones,
Abraham Lincoln
, pp. 2–3). “While not yet the age in Europe of blood and iron,” D.P. Crook writes, “it was an age of muscular patriotism” (Crook,
The North, the South, and the Powers
, p. 73). See also Bell, v. 1, p. 97; Ridley,
Palmerston
, p. 334; Kissinger,
Diplomacy
, pp. 96, 129 (Bismarck); Ridley,
Napoleon III
, p. 309.
    15 . William Henry Herndon to Jesse Weik, Nov. 17, 1885, HW, LOC (chess); Lincoln, “Address Before the Young Men’s Lyceum of Springfield, Illinois,” Jan. 27, 1838,
CWL
, v. 1, p. 115 (“reason”); HL, p. 264 (“realist”) and pp. 352–53 (“precise shape”). For a fascinating discussion of Lincoln’s “depressive realism,” see Shenk,
Lincoln’s Melancholy
, pp. 133–35, 171. The final quote is from Swett to William Henry Herndon, Jan. 17, 1866, in HI, p. 162.
    16 . Kennedy,
Rise and Fall of the Great Powers
, pp. xxi, 73, 197; Kissinger,
Diplomacy
, p. 803. Fareed Zakaria’s 2008
The Post-American World
is an analysis of the modern multipolar international arena. The quote is from Kissinger,
Diplomacy
, p. 810.
    17 . Herring, pp. 225 and 920. Herring, citing Norman E. Saul,
Distant Friends
, p. 329, notes the juxtaposition of nineteenth-century nationalism and globalization: “The steamship, telegraph, and trade brought nations closer at the same time nationalism was highlighting differences and provoking conflict.… Americans were more aware of events elsewhere because of increased immigration, faster and cheaper communication, growing literacy, and mass-circulation newspapers.” For the nexus of liberalism, nationalism, and journalism, see also McDougall,
Throes of Democracy
, pp. 398–99; and Carwardine and Sexton, eds.,
Global Lincoln
, p. 6. The literature on the nineteenth-century information age and transportation revolution is voluminous. See Blackett,
Divided Hearts
, pp. 142–43; Carwardine,
Lincoln
, p. ix–x; Carwardine, “Lincoln and the Fourth Estate,” p. 2; Crook,
Diplomacy During the American Civil War
, p. 69; Guelzo,
Abraham Lincoln: Redeemer President
, pp. 22–24; Holzer,
Lincoln President-Elect
, pp. 3, 7, 33–4; Howe,
What Hath God Wrought
, passim; Jones,
Blue and Gray Diplomacy
, p. 220; Kissinger,
Diplomacy
, p. 160; McDougall,
Throes of Democracy
, pp. 154–55, 357; McPherson,
Battle Cry of Freedom
, pp. 12–13; Monaghan, p. 47; Mott,
American Journalism
, p. 216; Peterson,
Lincoln in American Memory
, p. 386; Thomas,
Abraham Lincoln
, p. 164; Vidal, “Vidal’s Lincoln: An Exchange,” p. 34; White,
Lincoln’s Greatest Speech
, p. 186. Richard Carwardine adds a fascinating twist to this story, noting that