gravely.
“That's what has your analysts in such a
lather?” Castilla shook his head, plainly unimpressed. “People
e-mailing each other about a political protest?” He snorted. “Good
God, any rally that might draw thirty or forty thousand people all the way out
to Santa Fe is
a pretty damned big event! New Mexico
is my home turf and I doubt half that many ever showed up for any speech I ever
made.”
“When members of the Sierra Club or the Wilderness Federation talk that
way, I don't worry,” Hanson told him softly. “But even the simplest
words can have very different meanings when they are used by certain dangerous
groups and individuals. Deadly meanings.”
“You're talking about these so-called 'radical elements'?”
“Yes, sir.”
“And just who are these dangerous folks?”
“Most are allied in one way or another with the Lazarus Movement, Mr.
President,” Hanson said carefully.
Castilla frowned. “This is an old, old song of yours, David.”
The other man shrugged. “I'm aware of that, sir. But the truth doesn't
become any less true just because it's unpalatable. When viewed as a whole, our
recent intelligence on the Lazarus Movement is extremely alarming. The Movement
is metastasizing and what was once a relatively peaceful political and
environmental alliance is rapidly altering itself into something far more
secretive, dangerous, and deadly.” He looked across
firmed Director of Central Intelligence, said
coolly. He was echoed a moment later by Robert Zeller, the acting director of
the FBI.
Castilla eyed both men briefly, but he kept his attention focused on Hanson.
The head of the CIA was the tougher and more formidable of the pair—despite the
fact that he looked more like a bantam-weight mild-mannered college professor
from the 1950s, complete with the obligatory bow tie, than he did a
fire-breathing advocate of clandestine action and special operations.
Although his counterpart, the FBI's Bob Zeller, was a decent man, he was way
out of his depth in Washington's
sea of swirling political intrigue. Tall and broad-shouldered, Zeller looked
good on television, but he should never have been moved up from his post as the
senior U.S. attorney in Atlanta. Not even on a
temporary basis while the White House staff looked for a permanent replacement.
At least the ex-Navy linebacker and longtime federal prosecutor knew his own
weaknesses. He mostly kept his mouth shut in meetings and usually wound up
backing whoever he thought carried the most clout.
Hanson was a completely different case. If anything, the Agency veteran was
too adept at playing power politics. During his long tenure as chief of the
CIA's Operations Directorate, he had built a firm base of support among the
members of the House and Senate intelligence committees. A great many
influential congressmen and senators believed that David Hanson walked on
water. That gave him a lot of maneuvering room, even room to buck the president
who had just promoted him to run the whole CIA.
Castilla tapped the Threat Assessment with one blunt forefinger. “I see
a whole lot of speculation in this document. What I do not see are hard
facts.” He read one sentence aloud. “'Communications intercepts of a
nonspecific but significant nature indicate that radical elements among the
demonstrators at Santa Fe may be planning violent action—either against the
Teller Institute or against the president himself.'”
He took off his reading glasses and looked up. “Care to put that in
plain English, David?”
“We're picking up increased charter, both over the Internet and in
monitored phone conversations. A number of troubling phrases crop up again and
again, all in reference to the planned rally. There's constant talk about 'the
big event' or 'the action at Teller,'” the CIA chief said. “My people
have heard it overseas. So has the NSA. And the FBI is picking up the same
undercurrents here at home. Correct, Bob?”
Zeller nodded